Under constant cyber attack, facing existential threats daily, the two democracies of Ukraine and Taiwan should be struggling just to keep the lights on. Instead, they've become the world's most advanced laboratories for digital resilience, and every comfortable democracy needs to pay attention to what they've learned.
In a recent Hash It Out podcast conversation, two leaders who've lived this transformation firsthand revealed how sustained threats haven't broken their nations' digital infrastructure—they've forged it into something unprecedented.
Gulsanna Mamediieva, former director general of Ukraine's Ministry of Digital Transformation, and Jason Hsu, former Taiwanese legislator, paint a picture of innovation born from necessity that challenges everything we think we know about building resilient democracies.
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"The bombs are falling from the sky, so you don't have much time to think about and build a strategy in writing papers," Gulsanna Mamediieva explains matter-of-factly. But her story of Ukraine's digital transformation begins years before the first missile struck.
In 2020, Mamediieva and her team launched Diia, Ukraine's ambitious digital government platform, just months before COVID hit. "We were lucky to an extent," she reflects, though 'lucky' seems an unusual word for a pandemic. "COVID was a testing ground. The first crisis that we gone through with Dia."
During the pandemic, they built something seemingly simple: a system to incentivize vaccinations. Get two shots, receive 1,000 hryvnia. The architecture was basic—verify identity, check vaccination records, process payment. No one knew they were building the skeleton of a wartime survival system.
Then came February 2022. "A lot of people believed that Ukraine would fall in three days. I clearly remember the headlines and news when it's not an if, but when," Mamediieva recalls. Russia was gathering forces, claiming it was just training exercises."
As Russian forces invaded, Mamediieva's team performed a secret operation that may have saved Ukraine's digital infrastructure: Russia precisely bombed the data centers. “But two weeks earlier, we relocated our data to the cloud and it was a secret operation."
Within three days of the invasion, the same three days Ukraine was supposed to fall, they transformed that COVID vaccination system into an evacuation benefit platform. "We just changed criterias and instead of checking the vaccination status, we were checking geo location. And we asked, can you share geo location? Like you apply for the benefit."
Suddenly, millions of Ukrainians fleeing bombardment could receive government assistance through their phones. The platform that started with 22 million users during peacetime didn't collapse—it became, as Mamediieva calls it, "the backbone of Ukrainian resilience, the reason why Ukrainian government continues to operate and serve its citizens in the most difficult and critical time."
Jason Hsu's awakening came differently. Not with explosions, but with the slow strangling of freedom he watched across the strait. "Since the end of 2018, beginning of 2019, we've seen what happened to Hong Kong," he explains. "Whatever was offered by Beijing to initiate a political negotiation and political discussion became something that we don't desire."
As a legislator in Taiwan's parliament, Hsu had spent years watching China's pressure campaign escalate. "China sends three thousand warplanes every year to circle our island. And again, each is closer and closer to our shore, and also the constant pounding on our critical infrastructure by cyber attacks, as well as all sorts of information campaigns to divide our social cohesion and social unity."
But it wasn't until his recent ten-day trip to Ukraine with General David Petraeus that Hsu fully grasped what Taiwan faces. "We visited the front line and we talked with people at corners of the society and understanding how they come together as a whole to defy the constant aggression." What he saw there was Taiwan's potential future and its roadmap for survival.
The threats Taiwan faces are insidious in their subtlety. "During Pelosi's visits, they were able to take over 7-Eleven convenience store screens, and then replace it with malicious messages." It sounds almost trivial, convenience store screens, until you realize it's proof of concept for infrastructure takeover.
More concerning is what Hsu calls China's psychological warfare: "There's a great sentiment that Beijing is spreading through various groups that America will abandon Taiwan, while America onshore the chips to the United States. And that's the day that Taiwan's silicon shield will disappear." China has weaponized social media, "buying up ads on YouTube, on TikTok, on Google, spreading malicious messages" through influencers who seem harmless but are "spreading rumors and spreading misinformation across our society."
The timeline haunts him. "Admiral Philip Davidson has testified in the US Congress that China is likely to have a capability to invade Taiwan in 2027." Yet Taiwan hasn't faced actual war in fifty years. "How do we instill a sense of urgency?"
Today, both leaders fight on different but parallel fronts.
Mamediieva, now a visiting scholar at Georgetown University, works to share Ukraine's lessons with the world. The numbers she rattles off are staggering: Ukraine now produces "more than four million drones a year." But she's clear-eyed about the stakes: "The fight that is happening in Ukraine is so crucial for the world order. If you imagine Ukraine because, like, it's so black and white. If you imagine that Ukraine will fall, that will change the whole landscape and geopolitical balance of power.”
Hsu, now a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, focuses on building the partnerships Taiwan desperately needs. His greatest frustration is the gap between threat and preparation. "We've largely lived under this threat, but the threat is not palpable," he explains. Taiwan has no access to Starlink—"everything rely on ubiquitous communication and connectivity. And we are now short of that."
Both leaders understand they're not just protecting their own nations. The pressure forge that created Ukraine's and Taiwan's digital resilience wasn't chosen—it was imposed. But their response has been to transform that pressure into something unprecedented: democracies that innovate faster under fire than their adversaries can attack.
The speed at which both nations transformed their digital infrastructure defies every conventional wisdom about government innovation. When Shannon Vaughn pressed them on how they actually pulled this off, the answers revealed a completely different operating model.
"It's not possible now to plan launch service like in six months because the circumstances are changing so quickly," Mamediieva explains. The example she gives is almost surreal: "In Ukraine, you can marry online… Now it's divorce in the process." While cities face bombardment, the government continues expanding digital services, not in spite of the war, but because of it.
For Taiwan, Hsu's key learning from his Ukraine visit was this very ability to iterate: "They have been able to take that experience and really turn it into a real life experience and actually turning that into a product that to be used on the frontline." The contrast with Taiwan's approach is stark—and concerning to him. Taiwan has the plans, the drills, the technology. What it lacks is the muscle memory of actual crisis response.
When Vaughn asked about the mindset shift required for getting both citizens and businesses to go digital-first during existential threat, both leaders pointed to the same foundation: trust.
"Citizens are not using services that they're not trusting," Mamediieva states. But building that trust required radical transparency and responsiveness. "You can write literally to the prime minister, I need the service on Facebook or Instagram. And there will be a reply."
The business integration happened organically. "When the incentive comes from the government, the government is offering business opportunities," Mamediieva describes. Hotels started using digital IDs for check-in. Hospitals integrated with the platform. Airlines, trains, transport companies, all voluntarily joining because the government provided the rails and let business bring the innovation.
Hsu sees this as Taiwan's biggest gap: "These three silos are functioning in isolation.” Civilian, government, and military sectors. "We rely too much on our official military establishment. We need to enable our tech sector... enable our civilians to be able to fly drones when needed."
Both nations sit at critical junctures in global supply chains—Taiwan with semiconductors, Ukraine increasingly with defense technology. When asked about technological sovereignty, their answers challenged conventional thinking.
"I would define that this technological sovereignty is not the ability to do things on your own, but the ability to build partnerships," Mamediieva argues. Ukraine's drone production tells this story: four million drones annually, with "Amazon-style procurement where military units can order on specific platforms." Within a year, they'll manufacture "eighty percent of what's needed for components" locally.
For Taiwan, the sovereignty question is existential. "Ninety percent of the world's most advanced chips are made in Taiwan," Hsu notes. Beijing spreads the narrative that once America onshores chip production, "that's the day that Taiwan's silicon shield will disappear." His counter-proposal to Washington is bold: don't just buy from Taiwan—build in Taiwan, showing commitment to the island's defense.
When pressed on how partnerships actually strengthened resilience, both leaders rejected the mythology of self-sufficiency while acknowledging the vulnerabilities that partnerships create.
Ukraine's digital infrastructure survived because of a secret operation weeks before invasion using American companies' infrastructure. "We were lucky to have support by big American companies," Mamediieva acknowledges, but immediately adds the crucial caveat: "There is no way we can build and have a trusted relationship between businesses and government where there's still vendor lock-in."
The solution is interoperability—an "easy word," Mamediieva admits, "but I know in practice how hard it is." Yet it's the only path forward: combining partnerships with independence, alliance with autonomy.
Hsu envisions something even more ambitious: a "digital dome" of intelligence sharing between Taiwan, Japan, and the Philippines. "How can we share this intelligence with our neighboring countries... so that we can be sheltered and at least to have some sort of intelligence sharing and a best practice sharing mechanism?"
Shannon's final question—what message would they send to Washington's defense and intelligence community—yielded the conversation's starkest warnings.
"If the US wants to send an important message to Taiwan, it’s by getting the capabilities to produce onshore to Taiwan," Hsu argues. Countering what he identifies as China's most effective weapon: "Beijing is eroding American democracy from outside and we are making it easy for them to do so. And they are winning this war without firing a bullet because they are penetrating the minds and hearts of our allies."
Manediieva points to a chilling reality: "China is looking very closely what's happening in Ukraine and how the western countries are reacting, how NATO is working together. They're testing," Mamediieva warns. Russia's drones over Poland, the cyber attacks, the information warfare—all are tests of Western resolve that Beijing watches carefully.
Perhaps the most troubling theme Hsu and Manediieva stress is what might be called the urgency gap—the chasm between knowing about threats intellectually and feeling them viscerally.
"What will happen to Taiwan is going to happen gradually, but suddenly," Hsu warns, channeling Hemingway's description of bankruptcy. The timeline haunts him: "2027 is not far away, it's less than two years from today."
The lesson is clear: by the time the threat feels real, it's already too late to prepare. That's why Hsu advocates for every democracy to create what he calls a "zero day task force"—preparing for crisis before it arrives, not after.
The uncomfortable truth for comfortable democracies is simple: you're already under attack, you just don't feel it yet.
The choice isn't whether to prepare for this new form of warfare—it's whether to prepare by choice or by force. "Russia will not stop in Ukraine," Mamediieva states flatly.
Both leaders advocate for the same solution: create a "zero day task force" now. Visit Ukraine. Study Taiwan. Build the partnerships and interoperability before crisis hits.
The resilience paradox offers hope: democracies can indeed innovate faster and adapt better than authoritarian systems when under pressure. Ukraine and Taiwan have written the playbook. The only question remaining is whether the rest of us will read it in time.
"We need to show it by action taken," Hsu concludes. The clock is ticking.
Watch the full Hash It Out conversation for deeper insights into the specific technologies and strategies Ukraine and Taiwan are employing to defend democracy in the digital age.
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